Armies of Liberation

Exclusive Interview

Brigadier General Nasser al-Nuba is the head of the Retired Military Consultive Association (MCA) in Aden and the southern governorates. The MCA under General al-Nuba organized demonstrations in South Yemen beginning in July 2007 to demand equal rights for military retirees and southerners in general. As the year long demonstrations began to swell to include hundreds of thousands, demonstrators were met with an increasingly repressive response on the part of security forces. Over twenty protesters were shot dead, hundreds severely beaten and over a thousand arrested.

On September 2, 2007, security forces in Aden assaulted Mr. al-Nuba’s house. They broke down the door and arrested him. On September 8, al-Nuba was transferred from Aden to Sana’a for trial in a military court. He faced the death penalty on charges of treason for calling the unified Yemeni state an illegal creation. Mr. Nuba’s arrest triggered new widespread protests. He was released from custody on November 29th, 2007 by presidential decree.

In an interview with Jane Novak, December 7, 2008, Mr. Nuba said the following:

“South Yemen, when it achieves its independence, will be a country of peace and stability, relying on the constitution and the impartial application of the law. We look forward to joining the community of nations as a modern state, and we will work with our neighbors and the international community to create stability in the region. We will cooperate with international forces in the Gulf of Aden and with international efforts on the issue of terrorism. South Yemen will open its economy to investment and expansion. We hope to soon take our rightful place among nations.”

Q: What is your relation with the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP), the alliance of opposition political parties?

Nuba: The JMP is the opposition to the regime, and they believe in a federalist solution to Yemen’s problems. This is their right to make these demands.

We are not part of this opposition. The MCA has no relation to the Yemeni Socialist Party or the JMP. We reject the federalist model as a solution able to resolve the injustices pervasive in South Yemen. The MCA recognizes the only solution for South Yemen is independence and to return to two legal states.

There are two UN Resolutions (924 and 931) governing the cessation of hostilities at the end of the civil war in Yemen. We expect to receive international recognition of the fact that Saleh violated those resolutions and imposed “unity” by force. We are an occupied country. The unified Yemeni state is itself an illegal entity according to international law.

Q: There are some good people and activists in the North. What conditions need to exist before you and the MCA would join with them for a national movement?

Nuba: Yes, it’s true there are some good people in the north. They are working to deal with their problems of Saleh themselves. Once we in the South have achieved our independence, then we would support them later in their quest for justice for themselves.

Q: So the answer is no, there are no conditions under which the MCA would join in a national movement for reform?

Nuba: Correct. For years we in the south were suffering and everyone knows this and no one said a word.

Q: What is the MCA’s relation with former leaders and expatriates abroad?

Nuba: We have no formal or political relation with them. We have cordial relations and contacts with many people, but our movement is an internal movement entirely. The MCA is an independence movement by the people of South Yemen in South Yemen.

Q: What is your relation with the Southern Liberation Council?

Nuba: The SLC has the same ideology and goals as we have, which is the liberation of South Yemen from the illegal unification with the North. Our group, The Military Consultive Association, is comprised of the military and civilian (illegally) retired, the youth, women and others. We organized the public demonstrations since July 2007 throughout the southern governorates.

Q: Are there conditions under which you would negotiate with the regime?

Nuba: Saleh said on November 29th that he was ready to sit for negotiations. We replied that we would enter discussions based on two conditions: 1) if Saleh accepts to discuss the subject of southern independence 2) if he withdraws all northern military forces from South Yemen.

I listed these conditions by email. If these conditions are met, then we would agree to negotiations.

Q: Thank you for this interview.

Nuba: You’re welcome and with my regards for your effort on behalf of the people of South Yemen.

Mr. Abdullah al-Asnag is a former foreign minister of Yemen who currently resides in Saudi Arabia. He is a well respected senior figure in Yemeni politics. We are pleased to present Mr. Al-Asnag’s analysis of the increased incidence of purported terrorist attacks in Yemen. Included in his analysis are comments pertaining to two recent articles which discuss the same topic. The first is an article written by Gregory Johnson and published by the Combating Terrorism Center at the US Military Academy, West Point. The second article is written by Moneer Al-Mawari and published in the Yemen Times. Both articles are quite well informed, but each advances a different hypothesis* on the genesis of “Al-Qaeda in Yemen”. Each should be read in full to understand the context of Mr. al Asnag’s comments.

Towards Better Understanding of the Yemeni Situation
by Abdullah Al-Asnag

Thank you for drawing my attention to the recent publication by Gregory Johnsen in CTC Sentinel. In a previous publication by the same writer I would shed light on two major comments that he included in his article entitled “Yemen – Salih’s Road to Reelection” dated January 13, 2006. I am astonished to note the extreme contradiction between the two views expressed by the same writer over a short period of time.

The first point he made in his previous article touched upon the Yemeni President standing for reelection after having earlier made a public announcement that he will not stand in the elections, “Following six months of rumor and speculation in Yemen, President Ali Abdallah Salih did the expected and announced that he would stand for reelection in the presidential contest scheduled for September 2006. Salih accepted the nomination of his ruling General People’s Congress party on December 17, 2005, during its three-day conference in the southern port city of Aden. The conference, which had been postponed twice to allow Salih to return from state visits abroad, was largely a scripted affair, with few surprises, save for when the president tried and failed to catch a pigeon that landed at his table…But Salih’s acceptance of it marked a clear reversal of his earlier pledge not to stand for reelection in favor of a ‘peaceful transfer of power.’”

Mr. Johnsen further stressed the fact that Salih was confident of winning the elections and the whole matter was nothing more than a theatrical performance, “If the 63-year old president wins reelection, which seems all but guaranteed, he would continue to rule Yemen until 2013, rounding out a full 35 years in power for a man few thought would last six months…Salih’s announcement, however, was only the first act in a piece of political theater, part comedy, part tragedy, that played out on a national stage. Like most scripted performances, everyone had a part to play, but control of the production remained offstage, unseen.”

Moreover, it is evident that corruption bribery, unemployment, misappropriation of public funds, as well as peaceful resistance is spreading all over the Southern Yemeni governorates and a 4-year old war continues to be raged in the Northern province of Sa’ada. Basic human rights including freedom of expression and publication are being violated and newspapers such as Al Wasat, Al Shoura, Al Tariq, and Al Ayyam are being intimidated and prosecuted.

I couldn’t agree more with what Mr. Mawri suggested in his intervention entitled The Metamorphosed Terrorism that terrorist elements are not Al Qaida affiliated, but most of them are linked to jobs said to be connected with tribal chiefs and the ruling political party.

A stable Yemen will serve national, regional, and US interests. However, this is far from being realized by a notorious dictator who confiscated Yemen, the country and the nation and has been a destabilizing factor in the entire region. It has been established beyond any doubt that the regime in Yemen led by Ali Abdullah Saleh and his junta has fueled the ongoing civil war in Somalia through illegal arms trafficking to parties in the conflict.

Moreover, Yemeni sources go as far as suggesting that senior government personnel are sponsoring the constantly ongoing processes of money laundering and the counterfeiting of US Dollars and Saudi Riyals. Arms, drugs, and child trafficking are daily incidents originating from Yemen and exported to neighboring countries namely Saudi Arabia, UAE, and the rest of the Gulf states. The role of the Yemeni dictator in rallying behind the late tyrant of Iraq Saddam Hussain is well known to all.

As of today portraits of the late Iraqi dictator are placed side by side to Ali Abdullah Saleh’s portraits in hotels and shops throughout the capital Sana’a. Further, the flow of volunteers holding Yemeni passports to join different war groups in Iraq is evident. Only a few weeks ago the Syrian authorities extradited a number of Yemenis crossing the Syrian border from Iraq and alleged to have been linked to terrorists in Iraq. Such infiltration of individuals holding Yemeni passports into Iraq and back cannot happen without the consent of the Yemeni dictator and his men.

Accordingly, I would recommend that the Yemen question should be seriously looked into and our comrades in the free world should realize that defending dictators in Yemen and the Middle East is a serious deviation from basic human rights and democratic principles. And as we say in Arabic, a dictator can never be transformed into a defender of democracy, and a dog’s tail can never be straightened. As such, Ali Abdullah Saleh cannot be counted upon as a partner to bring stability to Yemen, even in the short term. Financial and political support will only serve to open his appetite to carry out more and more atrocities.

(*Editors note: The dichotomy of viewpoints between Yemeni and Western analysts is pronounced. The article at the Counter Terrorism Center at West Point finds that “Al-Qa`ida in Yemen was defeated by the close cooperation of the United States and Yemen during the first phase of the war (2000-2003), but it learned from the loss,” and adapted its tactics and goals. The new al-Qaeda generation rejects negotiation with the regime and is heralded by a new strategy and increasing sophistication in online propaganda. As domestic pressures sap the Yemeni regime’s attention and resources, the control of al-Qaeda has taken a low priority. The stability of Yemen (and the Saleh regime) is the vital first step to defeating al-Qaeda, the article asserts, and the US will have to funnel more funds to Yemen to achieve this goal. The author finds the US should prioritize its demands on Yemen, “The United States must decide whether it wants a partner in the war against al-Qa`ida, or whether it wants a country that is attempting to meet democratic benchmarks.”

This general assessment is shared by other Western analysts who also agree with the assertion that al-Qaeda operatives who returned from Iraq are responsible for repeated strikes in Yemen designed to weaken the Saleh regime. ISN Security Watch describes the attacks as, “designed to undermine government revenues with strikes on oil facilities and pipelines and foreign oil companies and tourists.” Similarly, Jamestown Foundation’s Terrorism Focus finds, “The attacks were a message to Saleh, and to the global community, that the chaos-producing strategy of al-Qaeda in Iraq…is now being exported to the militants’ homelands.”

The opposing view is most often found among Yemeni analysts and holds that the Yemeni regime fosters and deploys Islamic extremists as mercenaries and as a tool of foreign policy. While this view is predominant among Yemen’s internal political opposition, it is not exclusive to them, and some within the Yemeni government privately express this view. In this paradigm, most terror attacks are authorized by regime affiliated persons to achieve a variety of goals, one of which is to provoke international sympathy and funding while diminishing donors’ demands for reform and greater counter-terror cooperation. This viewpoint was expressed by Moneer al-Mawari when he wrote in the Yemen Times, “But what has been proved authentic is that most of the terrorist operations in our homeland were launched by individuals whom the authority metamorphosed and transferred from the Qaeda terrorist Network to a government-controlled terrorist camp. Therefore, most of the terrorists available in Yemen…receive orders from officers in the Yemeni army and security institutions.” Al Mawari asserts that the regime maintains the pretense of al Qaeda as it maintains the pretense of democracy, and that the new “al-Qaeda in Yemen” is a deadly puppet created to manipulate Western expectations.

Another seasoned Yemeni political observer finds that Yemen’s current political instability and the spate of terror attacks are closely related but not in the way generally perceived in the West. “What is clear from recent developments whether in the security or economy of Yemen is that the regime is ailing and using its last few cards to remain in power,” he said, commenting on condition of anonymity. “One of the most successful tactics has been to create a massive media blackout locally, regionally and internationally to hide the shady deals with al-Qaeda elements and the massive protests and killings of citizens in the south of Yemen. However, the truth is coming out,” the analyst noted. “That truth is that, unlike what many may think, the collapse of Yemen as a regime and as a country is close, really close. And that’s the sad reality that we should be aware of,” he concluded.

Musid Ali, Director of the Yemeni American Anti-Terrorism Center, in commenting on this issue says he created YAATC to bring the truth to light about the Yemeni regime’s relationship with Al-Qaeda. In his view, the regime is responsible for the recent attacks, having provided support, resources and/or training. This is a serious charge as several foreign tourists were killed. The attacks, he said, “are a result of the good relationship between the regime and al-Qaeda.” The purpose of the attacks is to “make the west in general and the US in particular believe that Yemen is an ally of the US against al-Qaeda, but what is clear to the Yemeni people is the strong relationship between al-Qaeda and the regime.” As such, the counter-terror assistance provided by the US in terms of funding, training and equipment has been used “only against the Yemen people”. Mr. Ali went on to name several high ranking personalities within Saleh’s administration who he says are affiliated with and facilitating al-Qaeda. The list is familiar to most observers of Yemen but bears repeating: Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, Brigadier General, Ghalib al-Qamish, head of the Political Security Organization, General Yahya Mohammed Abdullah Saleh, chief of general staff at the Central Security Organization, and Ali al-Ansi, Chairman of the National Security Agency.)

Al-Mansouri Mohamed Tawfik Ph. D is a Canadian-Arab writer and researcher born in Yemen. He holds a doctorate degree in economics and agricultural science. His writing and research are published in many international scientific and non-scientific magazines and newspapers in Arabic, English and Polish. He was a member of the Yemeni military and is a researcher into Yemeni affairs. In this interview, Dr. al-Mansouri tackles the issues of corruption in the military, criminal behavior by regime officials, the impact former Saddam officers are having in Yemen and the official relationship between the government and the jihaddists among other topics.

Yemen spends about a quarter of its budget on the military. This allocation is often as a one line item in the budget without any breakdown of how the funds are to spent. The media has been prohibited from reporting on military issues without prior authorization, and there is little financial transparency. Yemen’s largest bi-lateral creditor by far is Russia, with over USD 1 billion due to Russia largely from purchases of Mig 29 fighter jets. Why is Yemen’s military spending so high? Is there much corruption in the military budget?

It is true that the statistic states that the Yemenite government spends a quarter of its budget on the military. Yet, in my opinion, Yemen spends much more for military and security systems. The media is not able to tell the truth in this case likewise in other social, economic and political issues of other organizations and establishments, due to the aggressive system. Yemenite system is completely corrupted and its purpose is the prohibitation of the information. The regime imports weapons from Russia, U.K., U.S.A., France etc. Then, it sells them illegally to many regional areas like Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia or for other active and inactive terrorist groups around the World. So, Yemen ends up, being the biggest legal and illegal market of weapons in the World.

Can you explain the weapons trafficking by the military in detail? Which weapons are sold to who, how do they deliver them, what are the date of some of the current transactions?

Both heavy and light weapons are sold in open way in the Yemenite weapons markets. One of the biggest Yemenite weapons market is in in Saadah. Citizens can buy any type of weapons. Transactions with other foreign groups delivered by sea. Yemen was involved in a weapons transaction scandal, when they sold weapons to one of Somali factions.

High level posts in the military are held by the direct relatives of President Saleh. What effect does this have on the efficiency of the military and in terms of command and control?

This is true that military and other important and beneficial positions are taken by the nepotism. The efficacy disappears in Saad’s war as well as in the civil war of 1994; in addition, the ability of the army was lost, when they came to fight Eretria during the Eritrean occupation of the Yemenite
Island.

The military regime in Yemenis interrelated and intertwined. Their crimes together them, and the wealth of the country divided them. By this reputation the government wants to stay in power forever. The military is divided into the regulars, tribes, mercenaries, who come from the Islamic countries, who filled from the respective countries for various reasons, and the child soldiers, who are used for dirty jobs.

The Defence Ministry announced it inducted over 8000 tribesmen to fight in the last round of the Saadah War. How many soldiers does Yemen have? Why would that be necessary to have tribesmen fight in Saada considering the large amount of service members?

Yemen has a huge amount for solders, yet most of them protect the president and other leaders.

The Yemenite military system is not a dictatorial, but it has created a chaos system, which is the more dangerous. It has groups and organizations. The regime has been used the proxy fights and wars to terrorize the nation as well as the foreign people like tourists, traders, and investors.

How does the regime terrorize tourists?

They terrorize tourists by killing them. The army commanders do the same to representatives of donor countries. Also it has been alleged that relatives of the President are involved in illegal activities. The objectives of these operations are to neutralize the favourable opinions of Worlds governments.

Some media reports military commanders like Brig General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar and much of his staff have religious extremist viewpoints? Do you believe sectarianism on the part of the state has been a factor in the Saadah’s wars?

Yes, the General Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar has a ties and strong relationships with extremist and mafias of the World. The Sectarian factor has not the major impact on the Saadah’s war. The major factor of all Yemenite wars is usually the, who owns the power. In addition, War in Saadah is going to continue or will be spread to other regions.

A war lasting along time because of feuds and because of absence of the laws. Problems in Yemen are everywhere owing to the tyranny of tribes, which are part of the military system and for instance, in Sharab, Aljashin. Also there are other economic and psychological and inhuman wars in the region of Al-Hojaria, Taiz, Ibb and Hodeidah because those regions are more peaceful and productive regions than the others.

Can you explain Ali Mohsen’s ties to extremists and mafia in detail?

Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar is the commander of the North West Military District. He is a brother of President Saleh. He also took part in forming and guiding Jihadistic Movement.

Information indicates that the authorities of Sana’a have implemented terrorism acts in Yemen as well as in the Horn of Africa.

Yemen loans out for terrorists facilities such as documents and airline tickets as. Money laundering operations are provided.

Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar is involved in all operations of terrorism. He has ties with international gangs, who smuggle weapons from Serbia, Slovakia, and Croatia. Kosovo and Montenegro.

All this operations are supervised by a high official close to President Ali Abdullah Saleh, and then weapons find their way to jihadist groups in Somalia, Sudan, Eritrea, Kenya, and Saudi Arabia.

Yemeni media have reported that jihaddists going to Iraq have been trained with the assistance of high ranking military commanders. Do you put any faith in these reports? What is the relationship between the jihaddists and sympathetic military commanders?

The former regime of Iraq built strong ties with the Northern Yemenite regime. They have protected themselves and they are also involved in many crimes not only in the area but also around the World. So they hide from the World, and help each other. The news is correct, because, North Yemen is not under the international control and has become one of the biggest areas for training the terrorists. We should understand that former regime of Iraq has power in Northern part of Yemen and it is working under the umbrellas of Jihaddists. I agree with the statement of the media reporters.

Can explain your answer more and give us some specific examples of terrorists trained in North Yemen. Where exactly in north Yemen? What kind of training do they receive, who trains them and finances them?

Terrorists are trained in many camps, including Saadah’s, religious schools, and universities. The training is complete. The funding is received from the senate and other sources.

Thousands of Iraqi military members were absorbed into the Yemeni military. What impact are they having on both the Iraqi insurgency and in the Saadah wars?

North Yemen was and still an excellent place for formers Iraqi leaders and specialists. They have the land, the wealth and the power, which is not represented only by the Baath Party in Yemen but also by the character of the President Saleh, his relatives and other Sheiks of Al-Ahmar family. So, they contribute to insurgency in Iraq and in Saadah’s war. For instance, they did that during and before the civil war in 1994, and in other Yemenite and none Yemenite civil wars. Those in Iraqi, who belong to the former Baath regime, have influence not only in the military but in all Yemenite establishments and organizations among them the Embassies.

How exactly do the former Iraqi officers in Yemen contribute to the insurgency in Iraq? Do you direct knowledge of this or is it your assumption? What is the relation of the Yemeni Baath party to the Iraqi insurgency?

Former Iraqi officers in Yemen are encouraging the Yemenite government to send volunteers to support the insurgency.

The goal of the insurgency is thoroughly backed by the former Iraqi officers, who are living in Yemen.

President Saleh’s beliefs are in endorsed by the former Iraqi officers. Their objective is the same.

The Yemeni Baath Party is branches of the Baath party of Iraq .The have fateful relationships. They are also partners in investments in Yemen and outside Yemen. So, the have their financial sources to do many activities to increase and encourage insurgency in Iraq.

(Read on …)

A Yemeni Parliamentary committee issued a report in 2006 naming 26 persons who illegally profited from land confiscated in Aden following Yemen’s 1994 civil war. The list includes Members of Parliament and the Shoura Council, military and security force commanders, current and former judges and ministers. The Parliamentary committee recommended that the land owners receive compensation for their losses, however none has been paid.

The following is a translation of the document that includes a description of the individual’s position in brackets for the readers’ benefit:

LIST OF THE NAMES AND AREAS OF INDIVIDUALS WHO RECIEVED CONTRACTS FROM THE GOVERNORATE LEADERSHIP AND PREVIOUS MANAGER OF INTERIOR TRADING CORPORATION (HUSSEIN NASER OMAYER), ACCORDING TO THE (PARLIAMENTARY) FIELD SURVEY.

NAME (CURRENT POSITION) AREA DISPOSITION

1 NASER MANSOOR HADI
(The brother of Yemeni Vice President, Abdo Rabo Mansour Hadi, and Agent of Political Security Forces of Aden,Lahj and Abyan governorates)
received 4.6 ACRES,
sold to ALI SOLAIMAN DAHSH 2 ACRES, and ALAWADHI 3 ACRES

2 HUSIEN NASER OMAYER
(Previous general manager of Interior Trading Company in south)
received 20 ACRES
SOLD TO Gamal Qasem 7 acres, Salem Balfaqeh 2 acres, Abdul baset 1 acre

3 MUHAMMED SALEH AL-MOHAMMADI
received 3.0 ACRES
SOLD TO SADEQ ABDO MOHAMMED 3.0 ACRES

4 MOHAMMED SALEH TUREIQ
(General Manager of Sa’ada Security Forces, former GM of Aden Security.)
received 5.3 ACRES
SOLD TO GAMAL QASEM 5.0 ACRES

5 BELAL ALI MOHSEN
received 4.8 ACRES

6 MOAAD TAHA GHANEM
(Son of the former governor of Aden) Taha Ghanem
received 3.7 ACRES SOLD TO ALI AL-YAMANI

7 ABDULLA AHMED GHANEM
(Member of al-Shoura Council, formerly Minister of Legal Affairs)
received 8.3 ACRES
SOLD TO ALI AL-YAMANI

8 TAHA HUSEIN NASER OMAYER
(Son of Hussain Naser Omayer )
received 2.1 ACRES
SOLD TO ALI AL-YAMANI

9 WALEED AL-FADHLI
received 3.0 ACRES
SOLD TO ALI AL-HAG AHMED AND HIS PARTNER

10 ALI SHEIKH OMER
received 2.8 ACRES
SOLD TO AL-QERN TRADING CORPORATION

11 MOHAMED ALI SALEM AL-SHADDADI
(Member of Parliament)
received 3.3 ACRES

12 HUSEIN MOHAMMED ARAB
(Member of al-Shoura Council, previously the Minister of Interior Affairs)
received 2.7 ACRES
SOLD TO ALI SALEH AL-AWADHI

13 FAISAL RAGAB
(High ranking military commander)
1.0 ACRE SOAM + WALL

14 ABDUL-QAREEM SHAEF
(General Secretary of conference party in Aden governorate)
offered 1.0 ACRE SOAM + WALL
REFUSED

15 FAHEEM ABDULLA MOHSEN
(Chief Justice of Sana’a Commercial Court, previously Chief Justice of Aden Commercial Court)
1.0 ACRE SOAM + WALL SOLD TO NOR AL-DIN FAKHRI

16 RASHEED HOWAIDI
(Justice serving on the Republic High court, previously Chief Justice of Aden Appeal court, )
received 1.2 ACRES SOAM + WALL
SOLD TO ALI GAMAL QASEM

17 SALEH AL-AMMARI
(former judge in Aden Appeals Court)
received 1.1 ACRES SOAM + WALL
SOLD TO MOHAMMED BA-HASHWAN

18 NOR AL-DEEN FAKHRI
(former General Manager of Yemeni Port Authority)
received 0.9 ACRE WALL + VILLA

19 MOHAMED AHMED ALKHAILA
received 0.86 ACRE WHITE LAND

20 MOHAMED ABDULLA AL-BATANI
(Member of al-Shoura Council, previously Minister of Interior)
received 0.86 ACRE WHITE LAND

21 AHMED ABOBAKER AL-SOMAHI
received 0.86 ACRE WHITE LAND

22 ALI AHMED AL-SEIAGHI
(Vice minister of trade)
received 0.86 ACRE WHITE LAND

23 FARID MOGAWAR
(previous General Manager of Fish Wealth)
received 0.86 ACRE WHITE LAND

24 MAHDI ABD AL-SALAM
(General Manager of Taiz Education, previously General Manager of Aden Education)
received 0.86 ACRE WHITE LAND

25 MOHAMMED GOMEA AL KHADHER
(previous General Manager of Aden International Airport, dismissed)
received 0.86 ACRE WHITE LAND

26 MANSOOR SALEH BASORRA
received 0.86 ACRE WHITE LAND

27 SHADWAN AL-MOHAMADI
received 2 ACRES WALL

TOTAL 80.4 ACRES

ADDITIONAL REMARKS ABOUT LIST OF 26:
1. ADDED NAME OF SHADWAN AL- MOHAMMADI IN AREA (2) ACRES TO LIST OF (26).
2. THE TOTAL AREAS ACCORDING TO FIELD SURVEYING (ON FIELD = 80.4 ACRES).
3. THE AREAS ACCORDING TO THE LIST OF INSTRUCTION = 102.0 ACRES.
4. THE DIFFERENT BETWEEN FIELD SURVEYING AND INSTRUCTION

Dear honorable brother Ali Abdullah Saleh, President of the Republic of Yemen -Sana’a

In the beginning at the outset, he was unable to confirm any Yemeni, you can deny a senior maker Yemeni unity of goals and the great dream of the Yemeni people, as entered history from the wider doors, we encourage you to go back to the date for step duties, which have become a burden to you as a president.

And our right to the blood and prevention, the collapse and destruction of the homeland that I loved to the point of passion .

The love of good for your family, and let us be frank with you to what is happening today of problems and strife and painful events that are the result of natural alliances with former friends , which have left you for all these years in power, we know well the requirements and necessities of politics, but the case today has increased the reduction and has crossed the line.

You are trying by all means to create the referee son Ahmed and this insults the Yemeni revolution and the republican system, which I was one of the revolution and supporter and we’ve said and repeated, in mind that the governance referee or any one in your family or friends can be president but only after a period of time, at least what has happened in the past in more than one country and across the world and by the real presidential elections. There is no party that covers its costs from the State Treasury without the others.

Mr. President, Yemen is a country of safety, faith and wisdom and the majority opinion which will not be a country of deception and prevarication and the violation of privacy. Our country is rich and thankful to God but what happens today only deliberate impoverishment. Hearts led to acrimony and undermine and the values of ethics and morality but what has happened to day almost turned Yemen into a jungle and turned its people into carnivores eating each other.

Mr President, Yemen’s trust and its people are in your hands. Deliver the trust to who may take care of it. We will continue to remind you as long as we live, we will remind you this deed which will be remembered and appreciated by the world . Those that only the brave will be able to overcome; you are one of them no matter what differences are between us. If you don’t accept this offer the people will decide between us by a petition of signatures. God is judging, God is judging, God is judging.

Sincerely,

Abdallah Salam Al-Hakimi
Yahya AL-Hothy
Dr. Mohammed Al-Nommani
Dr. Farook Hamza
Omar Ali
Fathi Al-Katta

List of Requests

1-Call to amend the Constitution to be a period of only two presidential term of four years each.

2-Ask President Ali Abdullah Saleh to step down from power saving people and to prevent the collapse and destruction of the country. For what is happening today is the result of natural alliances with former friends, which has kept all these years in power and made way for the government to save and prepare for the national presidential elections real party is not taken without other costs from the public offers of the State based on the terms of the initiative launched by the government rescue by brother Abdullah Salam Al-hakimi last October.

3-Call to end the rule of the family and to prevent the abolition of inheritance and the Republican Guard and Special Forces.

4-Call for a peaceful strike upward leading to the open site.

5-Emphasis on upholding unity Yemeni territory and its people, whether it’s Sanaa or Aden to alienate the sovereignty and independence of the homeland.

6-Call to all Yemenis opponents to return to the homeland to contribute to the building of a new Yemen and closing all files.

7-Invitation to the opposition parties not to accept any initiative that may be offered by the regime that will shortly be destructed, because of their acceptance they will be offered a lifeline.

8-Invite leaders of the army and the police and intelligence services that they are not to be suppressed against fellow claimants of the peaceful Yemeni’s that ask to reform freedom and equal citizenship.

Email: yemenaftersaleh@yahoo.com

Dear honorable Mr. Ban Ki Mun Secretary General of the United Nations New York.

We know very well that you are fully informed of the bad and deteriorating situation in the Republic of Yemen because of corruption irresponsible use of the State Department and the looting of resources and deliberate impoverishment of the people by President Ali Abdullah Saleh and members of his family and his staff.

The transformed the values of the Yemeni society and the flagrant violation of the rights of citizens and democracy, which we believed in the reunification of Yemen in 1990, and the creation of the country to bequeath his son governance and the governance transition which we will not accept and will stand in the face, whatever the sacrifices of Yemen’s republican country. As we have said before and we will repeat that we will not allow that the candidate’s son or one of his relatives for the post of President but not immediately. At least after some time has passed in more than one country in the world.

We would like to emphasize that we call on President Saleh to reinstate the document Covenant and Agreement, which was signed in 1994 in the Jordan’s capital, Amman by all political parties and organizations. Yemeni basis for comprehensive reconciliation in Yemen and equal citizenship ask you finally to inform the donors of aid to Yemen from the countries and organizations because they do not go the right way. But unfortunately has become one of the factors of corruption.

Attached to the letter is a copy of the rescue program announced in last October published in a number of Yemeni and Arab newspapers and on a list of demands.

Sincerely,

Abdallah Salam Al-Hakimi
Yahya AL-Hothy
Dr. Mohammed Al-Nommani
Dr. Farook Hamza
Omar Ali
Fathi Al-Katta

Dear honorable Mr. Koichiro Matsuura, UNESCO Secretary General

The urgent appeal to you asks you to intervene and stop the rapid tampering destruction, and mutilation which affects effects in Yemen, which is considered the property of the civilization of mankind as a whole. Including ancient Sera Castle (Castle Reduced ) in the city of Aden, which dates back to the built-General 1173 during the rule of Alaopein to Yemen, where the where looting the spread of the land in the southern and eastern provinces which are without any right and in retaliation to the mountain, which lies above the castle which may disappear soon.

Sincerely,

Abdallah Salam Al-Hakimi
Yahya AL-Hothy
Dr. Mohammed Al-Nommani
Dr. Farook Hamza
Omar Ali
Fathi Al-Katta

Rescue Initiative

First: the establishment of a National Council of Wise men which consists of a number that does not increase the amount of 35 personal dignitaries and national inhabitants with concerns of the nation and its citizens, who have visions and projects to bring the country out of its crisis, wthout excluding anyone under the pretext of separatism or regionalism, racism or sectarianism, respect of this Council and in particular the following major tasks:

- Develop a national comprehensive formula which contains solutions to the conditions of the country based on a Covenant and Agreement as the only national document that achieve national consensus around the universal commitment, respected and confirmed by the Security Council resolutions on the war in 1994 and mean to the Covenant document and the agreement on rebuilding its political system and its institutional States with modernarity which turned a blind eye to things and issues which timely received them.

-Achieve wide and local government authorities and the full powers without any diminution and reaffirm the right of each province or territory or region in the election of all executives from among the sons except military affairs only with other provisions.

- Develop a formula whereby redistribution of national wealth on the basis of fairness and equality among all regions of the country.

-Formation of a national committee of wise men with the possibility of the use of Arab and international expertise for the preparation of the draft for the new constitution in line with the overall national solution formula established by the Council of Wise men and downloaded to the national debate and broad and popular approval through a referendum in lieu of the current Constitution, which has become too large of amendments in response to the personal whims and ambitions of individuals until it is no color or taste

Second: formation of a government of national saving and the National Council of Wise men of proposed names of its members and its main duties restricted as follows:

- Numbers and full preparation for the holding of local elections and parliamentary and presidential elections during the period of time does not exceed the two years including the proposed draft of a new law for elections which achieves fairness, impartiality and transparency approved by the Council of Wise men and purifies the table voters from corruption, forgery and requests supervision over local civil society organizations and international supervision to ensure full integrity Elections, impartiality and transparency in other words, the major task of the government of national salvation elections

- Develop plans which are urgent and effective steps to address the imbalances of the political, financial, administrative, judicial, economic and radical solutions to the fight against corruption genuine, and not cosmetic as it exists now and the elimination of all forms of legal transgressions of others that have occurred in the past in all areas

- National Salvation government granted full powers and authority executive powers including the transfer of executive powers enjoyed by the President to this government so that there are limited responsibilities of the President during the ceremonial functions and protocol as is the case in the parliamentary system and prevents it interfering in any way the work of the function,power and authority government of the National Salvation.

The Yemen Times, SANA’A, Dec. 8 — Last week, the Yemeni Parliament agreed to rescind Parliament member (MP) Ahmed Saif Hashid’s immunity, claiming that Hashid paid visits to prisons and revealed illegal actions that go against the constitution, Yemeni laws and international conventions.

Previous activities made by Hashid resulted in his arrest in the political security prison, followed by imprisonment under the Immigration and Passports Authority. Hashid’s chauffeur was also killed in the street, with his camera and cell phone confiscated. Referring to these incidents, Hashid asked, “What kind of immunity are they talking about?”

Many MPs affiliated with the ruling party (GPC) demanded last week to rescind Hashid’s immunity. The parliament agreed to do so. Hashid considered the revoking of his immunity by Parliament an action targeting him and his human rights activities.

Jane Novak, an American researcher, interviewed Hashid, addressing issues related to human rights, freedom, prisons, and inmates in Yemen. The interview was downloaded onto many news websites, enraging a lot of people.

You would think Parliament would be enraged by the torture of Yemeni children in jail, not by the guy who is trying to save them.

The Banned in Yemen tee shirts say “Ali Saleh is Afraid of a Blog”, but really they are afraid of the truth.

Take a look at the category, Prisons. The offending interview is there, as well as a lot of other reports.

Aden’s landowners demonstrated at the offices of Aden’s governor on Saturday demanding past due compensation for their buildings destroyed last year on the governor’s orders.

The landowners from the Dar-Saad district held their protest at the offices of Governor Mohammed Ahmed al-Kahlani. The demonstrators urged the governorate’s leadership to execute the Council of Parliament’s recommendations issued August 14, 2007 and the Yemeni ministers’ council decision no. 264 also issued in August 2007.

The Economic Military Corporation and local council destroyed the landowners’ construction, buildings and factories on Nov. 30, 2006 on Governor al-Kahlani’s orders. The recommendation of the Council of Parliament directed the governor to compensate all persons who suffered property damage or lost their assets, including all those able to produce documentation proving ownership of the land.

In a follow-up, AOL will publish the list of the 26 “influential persons” who re-sold the confiscated lands to the current owners.

***Exclusive Interview***

Colonel Naser Saleh Abdul Qawi is the secretary general of Aden Military Retirees Society. Col. Abdul Qawi was a member of the southern Air Force, and was stationed at the al-Anad military base before it fell to Sanaa’s forces in Yemen’s 1994 civil war. Abdul Qawi is one of hundreds of military retirees who were reinstated to the Yemeni military in response to months of protests that have rocked the southern Yemeni governorates.

In a statement, Abdul Qawi described to A.O.L. what he and other reinstated southern military officers experienced during their return to Sana’a. He explained how they were treated and the solution from his view:

“Let me draw your attention to what happened to us in both the military and civilian sectors after the summer war 1994 that resulted in the south’s occupation by the Sana’a regime, and how the victorious side practiced all forms of hegemony against us in a retarded mentality. The Yemeni regime stopped us, the military, from working. It got rid of all southern leaders. It deprived us of our rights and confiscated our freedom, lands, and also houses which were specialized for the southern military. The regime then illegally distributed the (seized) property, including the lands and houses which are situated in al-Anad military base, Salah al-Din camp, Al-Rayan airport, and al-Ghaidha airport, among others.

The civilian side was subjected to similar arbitrary measures. I can describe what happened generally as the following: The Yemeni regime transferred all the government controlled sectors in the PDRY such as factories, firms and companies to the private sector under many names and excuses. This public sector was source of hundreds families’ livelihood, and all of them were forced into the street without any consideration for brotherhood or even humanity.

About what we experienced during our recent return to Sana’a, We were dealt with as recruits. We were assigned in groups without any posts, rights or compensation. The ranks and promotions were computed to me from 3.November 2007 in spite of desiring (retroactive compensation) from more than 10 years. This happened not to me only but to all who returned. The matter was not restricted to that.

They demanded from us to fill and sign a document that included many conditions which obliged the signer to never practice any peaceful (political) activity. Because of that clause, all of us refused this document and considered that an illegal condition that furthers complications.

The solution from my view goes back to the unity agreement which was signed in 1990 by both the leaderships of the Peoples Democratic Republic of Yemen (P. D. R.Y.) and Yemeni Arab Republic (Y.A.R.), and requires the application of the whole obligations in Amman document (the agreement of pledge and accord) which held between both presidents, Ali Salem Al-beedh from the south and Ali Abdullah Saleh from the north. The solution also requires the application of U.N. resolutions no. 924 and 931 which were issued during 1994 war. And I can say without the application of these agreements and decisions, no peace will be on the land and no dignity or honor.”

***Exclusive Report***

November 29, Aden: One person was killed and several wounded when Yemeni soldiers prevented thousands of protesters from reaching the site of an anti-regime demonstration.

Scores of Central Security units and army battalions were deployed in the early morning hours Thursday, stopping pedestrian and vehicle traffic on the roads leading to the location of the sit-in. Some oppositionists estimate that well over 100,000 people were turned back.

Yemeni President Saleh was also in Aden and delivered an address in May 22 Stadium to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen’s independence from British occupation. One kilometer away from the President’s rally, tens of thousands of anti-regime protesters held their demonstration at al-Hashimi Station in Sheik Othman city.

The demonstrators criticized the discriminatory policies and practices of the regime in Sana’a, which was victorious after the 1994 civil war. The crowds also demanded that the ruling regime release all citizens arrested during the wave of sit-ins that rocked the southern governorates since May.

In field developments, one person was killed and four wounded at the “Dar-Saad” checkpoint when soldiers attempted to prevent the protesters from reaching Aden. Sources indicated the man who fell at the Dar-Saad checkpoint was killed by helicopter gunfire sprayed on the people below.

Update: Several witnesses report the security forces deployed tear gas on the demonstrators at three o’clock in the afternoon.

Global Poltician

A member of Parliament’s Freedom and Human Rights Committee, Mr. Ahmed Saif Hashid is an independent MP who represents constituency number 70 including Lahj and Taiz. Mr. Hashed heads the “Al-ttageer” human rights organization. He also owns the “Al-Mostakela” newspaper.

Q: Mr. Hashid, thank you for granting this interview. Can you tell us generally about the condition of human rights in Yemen? Which areas in your opinion require urgent attention?

A: Man and human rights in Yemen are totally absent and his dignity is so cheap. The worst is that crimes are committed by those who have to be responsible for protecting the law and its application. Actually it pains me to find the security apparatuses practice torture, attacks and the worst kinds of mistreatments in the prisons and custody centers and also outside them. This happens under the weak control of the judgment which indulge in independence and under the unreal parliament that was produced by terrible corruption and it hasn’t even the minimum degree of responsibility. It intends to conspire upon human rights issues without shame. There many examples on this connection. It may be worthwhile to mention that this country supports the tribe with its ignorant traditions at the expense of the law. It stands against law, and uses its force over the victims and over the legal articles that protect the human rights.

Q: You have been very active in advocating for the humane treatment of prisoners. What are the conditions like for prisoners in Yemeni central prisons in terms of food, sanitary conditions, medical care and abuse?

A: The food served to the prisoners is so unpalatable and lacks hygienic conditions regarding its preparation. The most surprising is that the parliament committee of rights and freedom recommended increasing food allocations two years ago. Unfortunately the parliament has even decreased what had been allocated. The most painful tragedy is that dozens and hundreds of prisoners do not receive any (food) allocations at all. This, for instance, includes Sana’a Migrations and Passports Jail, some jails of the districts of AL.Houdadah governorate. The prisons there depend on charity and soldier’s food remains.

Some jails don’t have any infirmaries. Some others do have, but are in sore need for medicine and relevant equipments. It is found out that many prisoners are given prescriptions and they have to be able to purchase from the market, otherwise, die in the jail.

AIDS may be common among some jails, such as, Migration and Passports Jail. The infected are not kept separated from the others. In AL-Houdeidah central prison, dozens of the jailed are found, three years ago, to be suffering from this disease, as indicated by some documents. The committee of freedom and rights was so careful not to include this issue in its reports under the pretext that it may cause fear to spread and damage tourism. Skin diseases are also common in some jails and are not treated. Some women are found to be suffering from diseases including ’syphilis’ and other skin diseases considered to be so disgusting that they are rejected by hospitals and are not kept in separation as a preventive measure.

It was found that custody jails do not have even an ambulance, and any patient has to be taken by a taxi to hospital and he is responsible for the fee.

Regarding the sanitary conditions in the prisons and custody centers, they are in miserable situations. It was noticed at the corners of some prisons heaps of urine bottles and defecation plastic bags .The military police prison in Sana’a and AL-Sawadiah security prison in AL-Baida’a governorate are some of these prisons. Other prisons are ancient and dirty buildings. Some of them are built in the old “Imam” era, and were also found some jails do not have any good ventilation. This becomes worst during hot weather when temperature reaches 38, moisture increases and air becomes polluted. This is applicable for Al-Hodeida Central Prison and that of its districts. In fact, this situation lead to suffocation and spread of infectious diseases in some prisons, they use waste water due to the absence of drinkable water, on the one hand, and because of the fact that water pipes are in bad situations as a result of moisture, high temperature and daily stopping of water, on the other hand. The prisons in Yemen are over crowded with the number of prisoners exceeds, three times, its capacity. In fact, the place seems like a (Tuna Can).

It is unbelievable to find districts in Al-Houdeida governorate, which has no jails for women. In ‘Alzaidia ‘, female defendants are put in a house belonging to an old man. I visited this house and found fight female defendants aged between (10-15) accused of adultery who have neither food nor health care allocations, but rather they depend on charity . In another bad jail “BAIT Alfaqeeh”, built on charitable finances and is special for more than five districts, there is no prison for female; rather they are put in one of the neighbor’s houses.

Q: Is there a central authority that overseas all prisons? What kind of prisons exists in Yemen and how are they organized?

A: The central prisons and the custody centers in the governorates belong to the general prisons authority in Sana’a and authority of prisons stems from Ministry of Interior. Yet, it is noticed that security administrations influence greater on those prisons. Others prisons, holding dozens and hundreds, are controlled by their respective governmental security administrations and are not included into prisons department system. These prisons are prevented from official food and other allocations, as a result. They problem aggravate the situation.

Concerning the political security prisons, they are big, private and frightful ones, and it is impossible for anyone to visit them even if parliament members.

Other prisons include the”Harbi” prison, which holds hundreds of prisoners, mostly militants and a few are civilians. They are illegally arrested (based on Sheiks and other influentials’ orders).this prison is not covered in prisons that are allowed to be visited. Other custody contents, belonging to military intelligence are much difficult to visit. Other jails belong to economy Institution, works offices, police stations, Sheiks and influentials. In other words, Yemen can itself be said to be a prison for its nation.

Q: Can you explain the difference between tribal prisons, private prisons and central prisons?

A: Most of the sheiks in Yemen have their private prisons. These prisons are illegal. Among these illegally private prisons are the political security prisons in which there are horrible criminal acts against human dignity and rights. The exact bitterness lies on the weakness of judgment which has not eligibility on that’s prisons and often can not release any innocent prisoner. They are prisons in which you may spend years or a perfect age without fair and justice. Then you may be released without charge or arbiter or even excuse.

In its basements are horrible criminal acts and human indignities in such a manner that is unbelievable. It is a pity that the judgment can not control such places. A prisoner can stay until he is finally released without sentence, charge or even an excuse, while the law can not authorize anyone being arrested for more than 24 hours.

Q: The Children’s Parliament visited children in detention found them “in miserable conditions, beaten, malnourished, sexually exploited, held without trial and held for minor crimes.” A study by the Interior Ministry concluded that 77% of juveniles (15 and under) in jail had not been charged. Another report documented over 500 juveniles in adult jails. How young are the youngest children in jail? If Yemeni law prohibits imprisoning children without charge, why are so many in jail?

A: Sorrowfully, many acts and crimes are committed against children in Yemen. For example Al-Maflahi prison ,Yafi district, Lahj governorate, a fifteen-tear-old child was sexually abused by a police officer .The incident was proved by three forensic experts. In Ibb Jail of Investigation a female child ,named Samra Mohamad Mansour ,does not exceed 13, was tortured by the investigators . The story was published in many local newspapers. In Al Baida Security Prison, child hostages, one of them aged below 11, were also found.

Adult parliament control becomes a sorrowful story because the court becomes unbelievably weak .Yemen Authority of Justice does not make regular jail searching .however, law force them to do that.

In Al Houdaida Central Prison, a lot of children were found arrested by the political security. Some of them do not exceed 12. They live with the adults in the same prison and are prevented from being visited, as Political Security orders. Those children are free of any charges .In fact, they are innocent. Some of them are taken from their schools. Others were arrested at roads while going or coming back from schools some were also captured at their houses. All this happen while the court is shamefully disabled to release any one of them even if he has been innocently in prison for more than four months.

Nabil Mohammed Saleh, aged 12, Hussain Ali Saleh AlKuait ,13,Magid Yahya Ahmed AlDoubi,12,Abdu alghaliq Mufreh GHarsan ,11,Salah Ahmed Salah Afara,12, Mohamad Yahia Saleh AL-Kuait ,14, Yahia Mohamad Qassem,14, Ado Alrahim Waeel Abdo Allah,14, Zakaria Hassen Ahmed, 14, Hammed Abdullah Gar Allah,14, are among the children I met in ALhodiedah.

In Ga’ar prison, Abian governorate, two child hostages were among the children who have been met. They are Ali Yaslam Ahmed, aged 14, who has been innocently in prison for seven months and prevented from schooling at the end of primary. The security forces say that the child was arrested in place of his brother, who had been sentenced to 10 years in jai, seven of which were without any return. The child, Ali Yaslam, was finally freed after great efforts.

The other child was Basher Muhsin, aged 16. He was taken as a hostage in Ga’ar prison four months ago. A summary of his tragedy was narrated as follows: “My father is an old and sick man. He was taken as a hostage to bring his son under the pretext that he guaranteed but this was not proved. I am here in his place based on an order by Shaik hamoud, the governorate security director” Similar situations were also found out in Rada’a and AL-Beida’a prisons. This is some of Yemen tragedies and his rules’ criminal acts towards childhood and homeland.

Q: Are there many adults in prison who have never been charged as well?

A: This is very common in Yemen. Through our field visits, we find many prisoners without charges, dozens of hostages in Rada’a and Al-Baida prisons who have been there for months and some of them for years without any acts ascribed to them. Rather they were jailed on the basis of crimes committed by their relatives or tribal members. Many also were found guilty of civilian rather than murder-based issues. In fact, wrongdoings are widely-spread in Yemen and no one is willing to prevent these prisoners from being victimized.

Hundreds of prisoners were found innocently jailed in Al-Houdeida and Dammar central prisons and in Al-Naseria prison situated in Hagga .Some of these prisoners have been for more than a year without any charge except their serial affiliation to the Hashemite House. This arrest is sometimes attributed to what they called ‘ precautionary action ‘ which may last for one year or even more .Many names can mentioned here to substantiate this matter, but it may not be suitable , At any rate they are available.

Q: Many Zaidis have been imprisoned since the outbreak of the Sa’ada war in 2004. Can you tell us how many were imprisoned in total and how many remain in jail?

A: There no clear statistics on the number of the arrests on the grounds of Sa’ada War. The government once confessed existence of three thousands. Yet, the number is much more than this, we think. Such a matter can not be ascertained in Yemen and how can a parliament member know the real figure if he is prevented from visiting anyone at political security prison. I have a list of hundreds of the arrests on the basis of Sada’a War. They are still in prisons so far. A greater number is not known about, on the other hand, there are names of hundreds of losts who are likely to be sent to governmental private jails.

Q: Are there many political prisoners?

A: Yes, there political prisoners. For instance, Nasser Al-Nawba, the chairman of the retired associations coordination counsel, Hassan Ba Awm, a member of the political office of the Yemen Socialist Party .Hundreds of the arrests of the southern governorates were jailed and released on grounds of peaceful sit-ins in southern and some northern governorates during past short period.

In the central prison, Baggash Mohamad AL-Agbary, director of the former minister of defense ‘Haitham Taher’. This senior official was confiscated and illegally dismissed .He has been in prison since 1995 until now. He was sentenced to capital punishment by the primary court then, the sentence was reduced to twenty years imprisonment as a suspect of affiliation to Mawg (a political movement established in exile after 94Summer Civil War).Baggash was among a total of fourteen persons who were sentenced to unfair political penalties varying from capital punishment to imprisonment for long periods.

Once again, many prisoners were arrested on grounds of Sada’a War and many of them were taken for
As the political authorities think, however, without any charges.

Q: Many cases of brutal torture have reported in the media. One such case is that of Shaif Al-Haimi who says he was tortured by the National Security Agency, chained, severely beaten and scalded with boiling water. For 16 days he was hung from the ceiling. Investigators forced him to dance. Prisoners in Hajja jail said they were tortured by policemen in charge of the jail and affiliated with the Criminal Investigation Bureau. How prevalent is torture in Yemeni jails?

A: Not only torture and methods of forcibly extraction of confession are common in private political security apparatuses prisons, but also prevalent in murder-investigation departments and Ministry of Interior’s police’ station. When I visited the murder-investigation prison, as a member of the Parliament Freedom and Human Rights Committee, I saw, with my eyes, remains of stick-beats and heavy boots-kicks, which are still apparent on the bodies of two persons. A report was made on this incident and the committee report included this complaint. However, the counsel of parliament did little. The murder-investigation director is still in position without being questioned by any official authority. I also noticed other prisoners in police stations who were subject to torture and beats. Some of these acts were really covered in forensic examiners’ reports.

Among the victims is Abdulqader Mohammed “a Somali national, who has been in Yemen for six years. He was subjected to heavy beating a few months ago, by five of the members of the Sana’a –based Al-wahda police station. Remains of this attack were proved by forensic examiners report.

Such acts happen daily in many police stations while Ministry of Interior does not stop or even reduce them, which indicate its partnership. It also does not consider them and send the criminals to the concerned authorities.

During one last visit to Al-Hodeida central prison on May 2005, we found out that many children, adults and disabled were complaining of torture, violence and isolated imprisonment by political security. These persons are jailed just on the grounds of Sa’ada War.

In Rada’a central prison, I noticed remains over the body of Mohammed Saleh, who demanded a forensic expert to testify them. He complains that they are remains of torture by Acid and electricity; I took photos of these remains, recommending their being investigated by the court of law.

Ahmed bin Ahmed Mahdy also complained about being tortured with live cigarettes by the security. I also took photos of the remains which are still apparent. Ali and Yousif Mohammed Nassir also complained about being tortured in the Dammar-based murder-investigation prison with the aim at extracting confesses forcibly. However, the charges against them are not considerable.

Some prisoners complained about other means of torture, including hanging by hands or legs, beating by wires or cables, making hungry or thirsty, forcible long standing, prevention from sleeping for more than tow days, psychological torturing, using Acid and boiling water, pincers and others.

Q: Are you able to visit jails under the control of the Political Security Organization? What kind of prisoners are there?

A: No, we are not allowed to visit such jails. Since establishment of the parliament, its committee of rights and freedom did not pay even a single visit. An attempt made by the committee, to visit the Hadramout-based Political Security Prison, but was unsuccessful. I, personally, tried to visit some political security jails, but was not allowed. More than thirty parliament members, including me, demanded visiting Sana’a Political Security Prisons a few months ago, yet the council presidency represented by Yahiya Ali AL.raee, rejected to respond to this request or even being discussed.

Not all prisoners are charged with political crimes, rather some of them are charged with murder-based ones, and others are innocent. For example, Mohammed Ali Muhsen, from Aden, has been in the basements of the political security for one year and a half, on the basis of a letter he wrote to the president of the Republic, mentioning the bad situations and corruption in the political security system. He was arrested in Aden and sent to Sana’a political basements. The political security has been rejecting orders of the general director for being released or even prosecuted, which, as usual, indicates superiority of the political security.

Q: The Ministry of Human Rights issued a report disclosing 100 hostages in five Yemeni prisons. What are hostages and how long are they held? Is this practice decreasing?

A: The real situation says that number of hostages exceed this figure greatly. While this figure was being stated by the Minister of human rights, I was visiting department of jails and found in official statistics dated 28 May 2007 that the number of hostages in Yemen reaches (545).

I have already visited AL-Baidah governorate, and found more than 70 hostages. The worst is that they include children. In the governorate security quarter prison, we found Abdurrahman Nasser Ahmed Ismail, below 10, Hussein Nasser Ahmed, aged 13. They are sons of the defendant Nasser Ahmed, whom the police could not arrest. Among them was the hostage Abdu-Alsalam Ali Ahmed, aged 15. He is a nephew of Nasser and a brother of the hostage, Abdraboo Ahmed Mohammed at the same time. In fact, they were released upon our visit.

We found Khalid Ahmed Abdu Hashem below 15, in Rada’a prison, while he was coming to bring bed-needs to his imprisoned uncle; he was arrested by security guards and spent more than four months among killers and thieves. We also found the hostages Mohammed Nasser khasem and Abdulalem Ali Mohammed, who were taken on the basis of the Mayor’s orders and they have been imprisoned for more than four months. These hostages are mostly taken by security apparatuses while the court is unable to search prisons or release prisoners. These hostages are mostly either some relatives of the escaping defendants or from their tribal members. In fact, crime involves only one, according to abiding law, and no one should be punished or jailed except on the basis of law.

There are many unbearable shortcomings and defects that really kill innocents. Sorrowfully we have never witnessed any positive and effective actions to reduce such a phenomenon.

Q: On June 26, 2006, Mr. Hashed, you visited the Authority of Passports and Migration in Sana’a to conduct a field visit to the prison there. You intended to assess the condition of prisoners there after an Eritrean prisoner died under ambiguous circumstances. You report you were beaten and kicked by prison officials, arbitrarily detained and threatened with death. Mr. Hashed, why were you treated this way?

A: This happens in order that their crimes can’t recognize by the public opinion. Consequently, all the camera contents, which I had, were cancelled. These contents comprise a lot of scenes that unveil to how extent this authority is ugly. If a legal activist pays a sudden visit to these jails, this will scandalize the political system which pretends democracy and protection of rights and freedom. So, my being attacked could be a successful means for any legal activist who may ever think in a sudden visit to these places.

Q: I understand that Parliament refused to hear some evidence about this incident. Why do you think they refused the evidence and where does the case stand now?

A: This issue was refered to the committee of defense and security, which was heavily, biased towards the security apparatuses. The issue was initially rejected for being biased and untruthful. This committee is the same one which had been entrusted to investigate the murdering of my driver who is a relative of mine, Adel saleh and also the same committee entrusted with visiting the Political security Prison and investigating my arrest at the political security apparatus headquarters on the basis of my participation in a peaceful sit-in, protesting against Ali Aldailami’s arrest by the political security. AL.dailami was a legal activist and a chairman of the Yemen Association of defending rights and freedom. Instead of conducting investigation, the committee forced me to accept a tribal solution about my driver’s assassination and refused to investigate or visit the political security prison for solving the second issue (about my arrest) and it did nothing.

The committee really intended to get rid of the passports and migration issue and not to investigate. This is indicated by their refusal of being a companion to them. In fact, my intention was to direct them to the jailed who witness the crime. The committee refused to stop the jail-keeper till investigation ends. It shamefully changed the facts, refused investigating prisoners situations and was biased in all the proceedings, which is unveiled by the report it has made. Instead of discussing these facts, besides, my explanation of the report of the committee, the parliament authorized another committee to friendly solve my problems with the security committee which was formed for investigation.

It is in such a manner that the issue of prisoners’ situations was neglected, which was the stimulant of my visit to prisons, resulting to negligence of the attack I was subject to. It is in such a way that many issues of human rights discussed at the parliament are tackled. This is an aspect of a tragedy we experience and pay its cost every day.

Q. What are the other situations of these prisoners. How do the concerned Authorities treat them, what are the most repeated complaints?

A: Most prisoners complain that judgment apparatuses do not abide by law mainly concerning the dates fixed legal periods of reference and imprisonment and prolonged proceedings. Some prisoners complain of being let in without trial or investigation of negligence in following implementation of decrees and in release of prisoners after ending period of punishment. Judge and prosecution members do complain of procrastination, ascribing some of the above-mentioned defects to the fact that the number judgment cadres is limited, the judge appointed may be responsible for more than six or seven districts or his districts may be over-populated. This occurs at the expense of the prisoner’s freedom.

Other issues embodied by prisoners mixing with each other, wither children or adults. They are not specified on the basis of age, kind of crime, stage of proceedings. Others have completed their period of punishment and still imprisoned because of their poverty or inability to pay the costs even if these costs are little. They may stay for along time, wanting for their legal decrees to be issued. Other says they don’t know about contents of these decrees because they don’t receive copies of the original. Some of them say they are prevented, by the judge, to defend their selves, mal-treated during investigation and before they are sent to the public prosecution.

As for the foreigners who are arrested due to their illegal entrance to the country, they spend long periods in Yemen prison, waiting for years being freed; this subject motivated us to make a special page on “AL-Mostakela” to tackle problems of refuges in Yemen.

Armies of Liberation conducted an interview with DR. AIDROOS NASR NASER AL NAQEEB, the chairman of the Yemeni Socialists Party’s (YSP) Parliamentary block. Dr. Aidroos represents three districts in the southern governorate of Abyan. The YSP ruled South Yemen until its 1990 unification with North Yemen. After Yemen’s civil war in 1994, the country’s democratic foundations were undermined by constitutional amendments that centralized power in the executive and by practices of the northern elite that subjugated the south. Reconciliation between North and South was thwarted in part by the rampant corruption of the northern oligarchy. Over the last several months, southern Yemen has witnessed large popular protests that resulted in the deaths of several protesters.

“In the last period there was some decrease in women’s opportunities.”

Q: Dr. Aidroos, how do you communicate with the members of your constituency? Do you have an office in your local district to receive people? How often do you visit?

A; According to the guidelines of the parliamentary council, every Member of Parliament should establish offices in their constituency as soon as possible after the election. My electoral constituency includes three separate districts. It is hard to establish an office in each of these three districts because geographical obstacles make it difficult to travel.

We perform direct visits to all these districts. Sometimes we met people in the capital of Abyan, Zanjibar, when they come for supplies. Also we have representatives in their areas. Many times we continue our discussions by phone. This is the best method for continuing communications.

Q; How do you reach women voters? How are the concerns of women voters different from men voters in your district?

A: Concerning the women’s sector in Abyan I would like to say, in the last period there was some decrease in women’s opportunities. But recently there was an improvement in women’s political voice. Our communication with women saw good development. We meet with women during visits and festivals among other times. In elections, women participate in an equal ratio to men.

“The elections did not express the true desire of the voters.”

Q: The Yemeni Socialist Party allied with the Islamist political party Islah (The Yemeni Assembly for Reform) and other opposition parties for the 2006 presidential election. This opposition coalition, the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP), has been described as a model for the region. The JMP had a good showing on the national level. However, the opposition parties competed on the local level and lost badly. Does the JMP have a coordinated strategy for the parliamentary elections in 2009?

A: Let me say to you first, the outcome of presidential election (re-electing President Saleh) in 2006 was subverted by extensive forgery. Voters were terrorized and bribed. Therefore the result of presidential and local council elections did not express the true desire of the voters.

The JMP is strongly motivated to enter the 2009 Parliamentary election as an alliance, using either the program or “list of candidates” method.

Q: Has the JMP become more or less unified since the 2006 elections? Why?

A: The JMP laid the foundation of a strong alliance during the 2006 presidential election. The alliance of the opposition parties demonstrates the civilized approach to politics. The JMP alliance is stronger now than at any time. The aggressive tactics launched by the regime and its various proxy and apparatus made the alliance more unified.

Q: Some observers say that parts of the YSP, like parts of Islah, are actually loyal to the regime. Others point to a split between nationalists and regionalists. How do you respond?

A: We can’t talk about opposition that is loyal to the regime because that is not logical, but of course there are differences of opinion and approaches toward dealing with the ruling party and the issues we face.

About the next part of question, I can say that there are no nationalists or regionalists in the regime or the opposition. Yemeni politics are a result of a complicated of political life and the operation of society and economic on the national way.

“Building an alliance in parliament with members of the GPC…is impossible.”

Q: Have the opposition members of Parliament been able to form alliances with reform minded members of the GPC? Why or why not?

A: The desire for real reforms became a public demand not only of the opposition but also of the GPC. Therefore I can say there is a long line (of people) in the GPC that have a strong desire to institute many reforms in Yemen. But there is a difference in their expression. Some have the ability to hint at this desired outcome and others can not express themselves.

Q: Does that mean they have no ability to express their opinions or positions because of fear?

A: Yes. That is right and everybody can see that. The inability to speak bluntly or even to hint comes from the fear of the consequences or official procedures, which occur against anyone with an outspoken position that crosses the red lines established by powerful people.

Q: Does fear and the “red lines” restrict all members in the GPC?

A; My statement is about all members in the GPC, not only members in parliament. I want to add there is a faction of the GPC that has declared their refusal of corruption and demanded many reforms in different fields.

Returning to the question about the possibility of building an alliance in parliament with members of the GPC, in fact we can not talk about this in the current circumstances. It is impossible. But there are many excellent positions adopted by GPC members in Parliament. The problem is that GPC members in Parliament claim they have orders from high up which are against their own inclination and which obstruct the work of parliament to do any reforms.

“Land theft is an undeniable fact.”

Q: A high GPC official recently said land theft in the South by influential northern people is a lie. Can you tell us how much land is alleged to have been stolen in the South?

A: Land theft is an undeniable fact and there is no need for more questions or uncertainty about its existence. The last statement of Dr. Saleh Ali Basora, the head of the Presidential Committee for resolving issues of land theft is more than enough to make that clear.

The land stolen includes agricultural lands, land of the former government in south, lands of corporations and wide areas suitable for building and investment trading. I have no statistics available about the total area of land stolen, but as one example I can indicate to the “Lineen farm” in Abyan governorate which is about 4000 acres. This farm is one of many farms stolen after war 1994. This occurred in all southern governorates. Regarding commercial lands, these are estimated at tens and tens of kilometers.

“Influential people …have the power to destroy any person that damages their benefits.”

Q: Does the presidential committee has the ability or authority to solve these problems?

A: I don’t believe the presidential committee has the power to solve the problem or succeed in its mission. While I don’t doubt in the committee’s fairness or in their desire to do some thing better, there are influential people stronger than all these committees. They are big military leaders and officials in the ruling party that have substantial authority and the power to destroy any person that damages their benefits.

Q: The underlying problem in the South seems to be a complete lack of officials’ accountability to the public. President Saleh recently issued a list of constitutional amendments that if implemented would decentralize power. Do you believe the regime has the will to implement these reforms?

A: First, I have some remarks about the question’s preface which refers to the “southern problem”. The YSP in its Central Committee term diagnosed this case and described it as the result of unwise politics after the 1994 civil war and the inequitable treatment of Southerners in general that followed the war. The YSP Central Committee indicated that the South was treated as the spoils of war including land, people, companies and wealth. The YSP also noted the violence against the current protesters reflects the type of politics which has dominated after the outcome of the war.

I think the regime has no actual desire for any administrative, financial, political, or legal reforms. The recent initiative of President Saleh doesn’t contain any new proposals. In practice, it will further consolidate power in the central authority, and all the posts will be derived from presidential authority. Yemen needs a parliamentary system, not a presidential system.

We as a country face civil unrest, economic stagnation and social difficulties. There is no remedy without increased Parliamentary authority and power, the separation of authority between the executive branch and the Parliament, and the ability of the Parliament to act as a check on executive power. I have no confidence in the ability of Parliament to call President S