In reality, all ministries and government offices should be subject to an inventory (including cars). However, considering the gargantuan levels of corruption and mismanagement at all levels, a secondary audit is imperative. Asking the people responsible for the embezzlement to count the inventory is a recipe for more subterfuge.

A secondary audit of the inventory would be a good job for the revolutionaries, many of whom have accounting and computer degrees. As outsiders they would be independent, and its a good method to enfranchise them in the transition process while generating trust through transparency. International assistance by experienced accountants of the process may also increase the Yemeni auditors skill levels and employ-ability. Of course the US will be embarrassed by how much of its intended CT aid was stolen, diverted and/or resold, but sunlight is good for everybody.

Its very important however to standardized the inventory process regionally and from ministry to ministry–from the beginning. Starting with compatible processes, methods, computer systems and software is essential. For example, Yemen’s years long difficulty in generating stats and paperwork on the Somali refugees arises in large part from technical obstacles generated by using different accounting methods, incompatible databases and different computer systems, both vertically and horizontally. This impending pitfall is easily overcome with a little forethought at this point.

al Sahwa, President directs to count properties of military

Alsahwah.net- Yemen President Abdu-Rabo Mansour Hadi has directed on Wednesday the Defense Ministry to form technical committees to count the properties of the army in a move that precede the reconstruction of the military and end the division.

Meanwhile, the government tasked the Oil and Mineral Minister, Hisham Sharaf, to appoint a new director-general of the Oil Petroleum Company after the resignation of the former director in response to waves of protests by the employees of the company.

According to the Yemeni News Agency, Saba, military commanders held on Wednesday a meeting presided by the Defense Minister Ahmed Nasser Ahmed. The meeting discussed the counting of the military’s properties and how to halt the squandering of the public resources.

Also see “Fixing Broken Windows”: Security Sector Reform in Palestine, Lebanon, and Yemen Carnegie 2009

Yemen’s government is a hyper-political configuration wherein all state institutions and bureaucracies became an extension of the GPCs power. That is one reason I suggested early last year suspending the established political parties during the transition period, which would also give new parties a chance to develop real constituencies. Instead the current configuration as outlined by the GCC deal attempts to re-balance or tip the gridlock between the GPC and the JMP.

These are the two entities that were unable to agree on (previously agreed upon) electoral reforms from 2006-2011, there was not one shred of progress, not even the most basic reform was enacted. If they keep thwarting the transition maybe its time to go back to my idea from 2007, Disband the GPC. The problem is the GPC is the counter to Islah, so if they both take a two year hiatus, it might allow some breathing room.

To follow is my 2007 article that lays out part of the configurations in place then that are hampering progress now. Published at World Press 9/2/07, the article, written two months after the first southern protest, was disparaged because I said there were simmering tensions in the south: It wasn’t possible to disband the GPC five years ago but I wanted people to for once imagine a world without it in order to better see its hegemony in day to day life.

Disband Yemen’s Ruling Party

Since Yemen’s presidential election last September, the nation is experiencing several areas of instability. Crisis areas include the fourth recurrence of the Saada war in North Yemen, popular protests in the former South Yemen, hostile tribal posturing, and the resurgence of terror attacks directed at the state. One causal factor common to all these conflicts is institutionalized inequality or state discrimination. This inequality is also the foundation of massive corruption that is destroying Yemen. With elitism so engrained and corruption so pervasive, structural reform is nearly impossible. One solution may be to dissolve the national mechanisms that function to perpetuate inequality and enable corruption, starting with Yemen’s ruling party.

Hopes generated before Yemen’s 2006 presidential election were dashed in its wake. Oppositionists were disappointed that the election was a pantomime of democracy with state resources overwhelmingly supporting President Ali Abdullah Saleh, the victor and incumbent of 28 years. Saleh’s supporters were disappointed when his expansive election platform produced few tangible results upon his reelection. In fact, the situation worsened for the average Yemeni with prices rocketing higher.

After the election, Yemen’s military fought an intense war with Shia rebels in Yemen’s northernmost Saada region. Estimates are the war cost over a billion dollars since January. Thousands of soldiers, rebels, and civilians have been killed and wounded. Cities and villages have been laid to waste. Internal refugees number over 50,000. The International Committee of the Red Cross has noted that food in the region is in critically short supply and the local population has been without medical facilities since the inception of the war. Yemen has fought the insurgents three times since 2004. Each time, mediation led to a ceasefire that was then broken by both sides.

Renewal of tensions between Yemen’s major northern tribal confederations was a predictable result of the tribalization of the Saada war. The military inducted thousands of President Saleh’s Hashid tribesmen, and reports of looting and indiscriminate violence emerged. Senior Bakil sheiks issued statements warning of the potential for the broadening of the conflict or years of localized retaliatory tribal warfare. The National Solidarity Council was announced in July and consists of 1,000 tribal sheiks and dignitaries primarily from the Hashid confederation. A hastily formed grouping of Bakil tribal leaders announced their opposition to the National Solidarity Council in August, accusing it of intending to foster conflicts and Libyan support.

With war tapering off in the north, long suppressed tensions have come to the surface in the south. Popular protests are expressing the grievances of tens of thousands of southern military officers who were punitively discharged after Yemen’s 1994 civil war. Despite the regime’s assurances of reconciliation, the southern officers remained unemployed and lived on below-sustenance pensions for over a decade. In August, Yemeni security forces banned “unauthorized” demonstrations in Aden after a series of increasingly large protest marches began in May. Hundreds of demonstrators were arrested. Others were beaten on the street. One died. Regime efforts to quell the movement included promoting about 600 former officers, creating a clone of the pensioners’ organization, and promising to increase the pensions to legally required levels.

Each of these conflicts has its roots in intentional inequality. The 1990 unity between the former South Yemen and North Yemen was subverted by the dominance of the northern General People’s Congress (G.P.C.) party. In the south, state discrimination takes the form of massive land theft, targeted impoverishment, and the withholding of employment and educational opportunities. Geographic discrimination is not unusual. The withholding of water to Taiz is discrimination against a city. The politicized arrest of Al Shura editor Abdulkarim al-Khaiwani is discrimination against a person. The war in Saada, primarily a political one, gained sectarian overtones when security forces began to target Zaidis by identity. The mass arrest of Zaidi preachers, students, and villagers is state discrimination, as is the withholding of food and medicine to the region. The primacy of President Saleh’s Hashid tribe is derived from its association with the tools of the state. The access to economic benefits based on tribal affiliation as well as the immunity of the Hashid from the judiciary is institutionalized inequality. The inequality among groups (political, regional, tribal, sectarian) is reinforced by state media incitement.

In response to these recurring areas of instability and violence, the regime and the opposition parties are reacting predictably and in ways that initially fostered the conflicts. The government has responded with coercion, patronage, and propaganda without addressing any of the underlying factors such as political exclusion. The Houthis remain “monarchists” and the southerners “separatists” according to the official media. Movement leaders are plied with funds and accommodations while the bulk of Yeminis face brutal security forces and a well-armed military.

The Yemeni opposition blames and criticizes the G.P.C.; however, it is just as elitist. Some opposition leaders have also been co-opted by the G.P.C. and work toward the best interest of the ruling party, not the opposition or the people. The opposition coalition, the Joint Meeting Parties (J.M.P.), hopes to wrest control away from the powerful ruling party in Yemen’s 2009 parliamentary elections. The J.M.P. operates in a limited political space with the threat of violence never far away. The constraints on the J.M.P. do not preclude it from operating democratically. However, the J.M.P.’s lack of commitment in practice to equality, transition of power, transparency, and free speech work to limit its credibility. For the J.M.P.’s promises to ring true, the coalition would need to demonstrate the ability to reform itself and engage in internal democratic practices.

Yemen is facing dramatic times that require new and dramatic solutions. One way to disentangle corrupt relationships and encourage a merit-based hierarchy is to dissolve the ruling party. The G.P.C. functions similarly to the Syrian Baath party and the former Iraqi Baath party, as a party of access, influence, and patronage. The party merged with state institutions and bureaucracies that have become politicized. The party operates in its own self-interest and has grown to dominate public space.

Dissolving the G.P.C. would enable space for authentic reform by removing the structure that determines inclusion and exclusion. The G.P.C. is a primary mechanism of discrimination. It discriminates against all Yeminis but does so by identity, thereby reinforcing social divisions. Party affiliation is a factor in education, employment, judicial rulings, and public services, where they exist. Through G.P.C. control of the bureaucracy, the oligarchy absorbs the benefits of donor aid and natural resources while clean water, electricity, and educational and medical facilities are largely unavailable to the bulk of Yeminis. Yemen’s elite routinely deploy state institutions, including security forces and the judiciary, for personal ends as well as to stifle dissent, criticism, and efforts toward reform. Those within the G.P.C. with the foresight and courage to press for real reform can only go so far before the interests of “influential people” are threatened.

Another solution may be to create a new party that models equality and therefore democracy. A party committed to egalitarian principles would abide by its own charter, model financial transparency, hold fair internal elections, make leadership positions available to all members, and follow the expressed will of the majority. Yemen has yet to see a party that uniformly follows those prescriptions. And such a party needs to exist to give political access to ordinary citizens and hope to its 10 million youth. Democracy is the choice of the Yemeni people and therefore so is equality. A state or a party that discriminates by identity is inherently undemocratic.

Yemen Post: Yemen Human Rights Horia Mashhoor said on Wednesday that an independent commission will be formed with the aim of investigating violations committed against human rights since the outbreak of anti-regime protests in last February.

“Probes about killing of protesters in Sana’a , Taiz and Abyan lack transparency, and Yemen’s judiciary lack enough fairness,” she added.

In her meeting with Middle East and North Africa director of the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy(NED) Abdul Rahman Al-Jubouri, she made clear that Yemen needs special legalizations that cope with international laws.

Mashhoor revealed that the ministry seeks to hold a national dialogue conference to solve Yemen’s problems and come up with joint national views on human rights.

She revealed that Human Rights Ministry would be shifted to an independent supreme authority which enjoys impartiality.

For his part, Al-Jabouri stressed that NED seeks to help Yemen in the field of enacting legislations of the constitution and election laws, pointing out that NED would support and train the consultative body belonging to the Human Rights through Ministry.

In an interview with the state-run 26 September newspaper, Mashhoor made reference to the existence of a big gap between laws and their application on the ground.

Mashhoor has said she seeks to shut down private custodies (ed-private prisons) run by some officials and tribal leaders, stressing that the existence of such custodies contradicts Yemen laws and international conventions.
Mashhoor has vowed to release all political prisoners held in security forces.

Separately, Mashour stated that Yemen’s high-ranking officials take over 90 percent of allowances and benefits allocated to government ministries while low-ranking employees get nothing.

She affirmed that Yemen’s financial systems encourage corruption, demanding to carry out significant financial reforms.

Yemen Fox: Houria Mashhoor is one of Yemeni women who rebelled against Yemeni traditions and decided to take part in everything that used to be restricted to men.

Mashhoor is a Yemeni influential politician who is reputed to have neutral positions; even though she was a part of the previous regime.

Mashhoor has defected to the Yemeni revolution and become the spokeswoman for the youth revolutionary council. After the Saudi-brokered initiative had been signed in November, the conciliatory government was formed accordingly and Mashhoor was among the ministers who have been nominated.

Mashhoor is the minister of human rights in the conciliatory government; “YEMEN FOX” has met her and conducted an interview, asking her about recent and critical issues.

How did the revolutionary youths receive the news of your nomination as a minister in the conciliatory government; tell us about your impression?

The nomination was warmly welcomed by the youths, I figured that out through the messages and calls I received from them. Regarding my impression, I’m very happy with the way the in which the youth expressed their feelings towards me, making me bear the responsibility for being committed to defend their rights and meet the revolution’s objectives.

Some people accused JMP of betraying martyrs’ blood and the revolution as long as they shared the new government with the regime, how can you reply to such allegations?

Because of the political, economic and social deterioration, the country was in urgent need for a political compromise, particularly in the light of regime’s apathy about anything other than managing its own affairs of gripping power or to obtain the most possible benefits. However the compromise, in which JMP shared, has not deviated from the track of revolution and its targets. The compromise has moved the regime out of its foundations through signing the initiative and to stepping down from power; therefore the comprehensive changes are coming and those who deny it don’t go deep behind the surface.

Where is the position of the revolutionary youths in the new government?

The youths have frequently announced that they have not been looking for political positions; they prefer to be observers of the newly formed government’s performance. However their demand and issues are within the agenda, moreover the 17-JMP ministers have all come from the change squares and have been contacting the youths since their defection to the revolution and some of them have an age ranging from 40s to less than that and this age is internationally reported as the age of giving and accomplishment, in addition, we as old people, are as enthusiastic as the young youths and if they preceded us down the squares, we followed have, blessed and supported them.

Have you discussed the mechanism for negotiating with the youths in your meetings so far?

We always communicate with them, and such communication will be embodied in the national dialogue conference which is aimed at integrating the youths in the political process so as to make them part of the upcoming authorities such as the committee for drafting the constitution, the supreme committee for election and referendum, as well as their proportional representation in the parliamentary and local councils and other governmental institutions.

How have you been dealing with the youths’ refusal of the conciliatory government?

It is normal and legal. Let them express their opinions and perhaps their concerns and anxieties, but by the time they see the achievements of the government, and their demands come true, they will trust us.

What could Hooria Mashhoor offer after she became the minister of human rights and would there be any programs in terms of human rights in Yemen?

We have priorities and important references which came in the mechanism of the initiative and in the 2014-UN resolution . They are as follows: human rights reinforcement, respect of all opinions, the rights of people to freedom expression and the participation in public life, particularly decision-making. The woman also has a space in our priorities; we will enable her to politically participate in decision-making along with the youths and we also enable everyone in the society to take part in investigating human rights violations and will go forward to implement the approach of the transitional justice which had been implemented by countries that have suffered from ongoing conflicts such as South Africa, Burundi, Rwanda and some other countries in south America.

What are the tangible benefits the citizens might get from the conciliatory government?

The tangible benefits the citizen will get from us are the regaining of stability and safety after ten months of fear and horror. The government also bears the responsibility for the provision of the main services like electricity, water and oil derivatives to the citizens.

It will also take care of the martyrs’ families. The curing of the wounded and handicapped revolutionaries are part of our priorities. We also vowed to send the displaced people back home and verify whether there are detainees without charges. The people who unfairly lost their jobs, will be sent back and reimbursed.

The government takes reconstruction of the war-torn areas into consideration like Hasaba, Arhab, Nehm, Abian, and other damaged areas.

As a spokesperson for the national council of the revolution; do you think the youths would be satisfied with your position?

I do not think that the youths need such satisfaction as they are well aware of everything going around and I think the revolution makes them wise enough to figure out what they need. The tents have turned into political, intellectual, and economic forums through which the youths themselves have organized symposiums and conferences without constraint.
The majority of the revolutionaries have expressed their impression with delight. They were optimistic about having this responsibility, so I am so careful to be impartial in striking a balance between the youths and the other political forces discourse.

Can the conciliatory government take practical steps in favor of the citizens at a time where the power is still under Saleh’s sons’ control?

The government has identical program based on the initiative and its operational mechanism and also based on the fifth plan document for development and poverty alleviation, to which other priorities and needs were added. Regarding the army and the security, they will be reconstructed in accordance with national bases and under unified administration.

Have you further ambitions and do you want to go beyond being minster of human rights?

I have no problems with the posts. If the teacher adds more efforts into his performance; he may be better than a president or a minister. I hope I could serve my country through my current post.

What kind of relation do you have as JMP ministers and the other part in the same government?

Faith, promotion of goodwill towards each other should exist between us. We should all give precedence to national interests, because the homeland cannot afford more they have already afforded.

How can the current government regain the people’s trust as well as in the all upcoming governments?

The hard work along with achieving tangible results could regain people’s trust. The ministers’ performance should be a model in impartiality and transparency. They should make the people’s interest their focal concern and not the arrogance and the personal interests and tyranny.

On whom you depend to make the government missions succeed?

On God and the economic potentials that Yemen posses. Yemen has also natural potentials which make up the main source of our economy. The Yemeni youths are the natural potentials on whom we depend in building new Yemen.

To what extent the will conciliatory government meet the youths’ demands?

We will do our best to meet their demands and upon the potentials we have, because they deserve better standards of life.

What is your opinion about the life march which set off from Taiz to Sana’a on foot?

It carried great symbols and we are sorry about the massacres committed against the participating youths which could have been treated with more wisdom. The investigations into the murder are being conducted.

Do you have a final comment?

The youths should preserve the achievements of the revolution and should not reduce what they have accomplished since the beginning of the uprising. They also should be unified to accomplish the rest of the revolution’s objectives. I want them to realize that we will never forget their sacrifices to the revolution.

By National Yemen

He was born in 1935 in the city of Aden in south Yemen. He finished high school in Aden and then worked as an importer and exporter of dried fish to Sri Lanka.

He worked in journalism since his youth and eventually released two weekly newspaper Al-Nawr and Al-Hakeekah (Light and Fact). However, he was eventually arrested twice and was expelled to Eritrea.

Ba-Sandaw then joined the Popular Communist party. In his first vist to Cairo, he was introduced to the late Jamal Abdul-Nasser in 1963, and with Abdul-Nasser’s blessing, Ba-Sandaw established the Communist Party office in Cairo.

After that, he had the courage to visit Iraq, Kuwait, and Jordan for the same purpose. In 1964, Ba-Sandaw acted on behalf of the party head and then joined the movement to free the Southern Yemen from Great Britain’s colonial grip by organizing Fedayeen in Aden. From then on, he became persistent in pushing for Southern Yemen’s acceptance into United Nations until its independence in 1967.

In 1965, he moved to Taiz and worked as the General Secretariat of Advocacy and contributed efforts to organizing the Yemeni Union for Unity. He then later moved to Sana’a in the 70’s and joined Yemen’s diplomatic team. He was appointed Minister for Labor, Social Affairs and Youth in 1974, and then quickly became the Minister of State and a consultant for the president’s leadership council shortly after in 1975.

In 1977, he was appointed Minister of Planning and Development and Minister for Information and Culture. One short year later, he become a member of what was then known as the Consultative Council and also was nominated as Yemen’s offical representative to the United Nations in 1985.

He was appointed to the Shira’a Council in 1988 and then became Parliament member after Yemen achieved unity in 1990.

Ba-Sandwa continued his rapid climb in the Government of Yemen when he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1993. He would also go on to become Yemen’s Information Minister, a personal consultant to President Saleh and Yemen Ambassador to the UAE.

More recently, Ba-Sanadwa lead the opposition of President Saleh and joined the coalition of opposition parties. When the GCC agreement was signed, he was appointed as Prime Minister of the National Unity Government and sworn in by Vice-President Abdu-Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Ba-Sanadwa is now working to form the new government.

Major General Abdul-Qadir Mohammed Gahtan,

was born in the Ibb Governorate, on December 13, 1952. He obtained a doctorate in civil law from the University of Egypt in 1991. He became an assistant teacher for civil law faculty at Sana’a Univeristy until 1992 up until today. Between 1992 until 1996, he worked as General Security Manager for Taiz. In addition, he worked as the General Manager of Public Relations for the the Interior Colleague of International Victims and then became President for Sana’a Telecom Group, and then President for Interpol in Sana’a.

Dr. Mohammed Ahmed Al-Makhlafi

Minister of Law Affairs Dr. Al-Makhlafi was general Manager of Law Affairs at the Ministry of Immigrants, Member Consultative Board at the Ministry of Human Rights. He also served at the Ministry of Human Rights. Also Served as a Member of Political Office of the Yemeni Commnist Party. He obtained his doctorate on International Law and was also the Ex-President for Yemeni Tracking of Human Rights. Other accomplishments include, Member of Union of Yemeni Literature, Member of Higher Committee at Lawyers Syndicate, President of a Law Firm, Member of the Consultative at Training and Information, Member of the Arab Union Lawyers.

Dr. Mohamed Saed Al-Sa’adi –

Minister of Planning and International Cooperation

and General Secretary Assistant for Islah Reform Party.

Dr. Al-Sa’adi was born in 1950 in the Al-Sa’adi District of the Abyen Governorate. He is a father of five kids (two boys and three girls). He finished his Bachelor Degree in Saudia Arabia, and gained a Masters in Education in 1984, and his Doctorates in 1993 in the same location. He then became the Deputy Minister of Education between 1994-1997. Other accomplishments include: President of the Planning Unit, Islah Reform Party, 1993-2004.

Mr. Ali Al-Amrani,

Minister of Information Mr. Al-Amrani was born in Al-Beidah and graduated from King Fahid University in Saudi Arabia with a degree in manufacturing. He became an ex-member of the General People Congress when he resigned during the start of the Yemeni Revolution and demanded the removal of President Saleh. Noted accomplishments: President of the Financial Committee of Parliament, two terms; Official Spokesman for the Change and Building Movement. .

Mr. Mujahed Al-Gohali,

Minister for Migrant Affairs Mr. Al-Gohali is a tribal shiekh from Amran and was a military commander during the period of the late President Ibrahim Al-Hamdi. He belonged to a tribal family know as Sriah Sons. He reformed the Nasserite party and was late kicked out of the country. He recently returned and joined the GPC. He was an avid supporter of President Saleh’s regime.

Dr. Abdu Bakir Al-Qiribi,

Minister of Foreign Affairs Dr. Al-Qiribi was born in Al-Beidah governorate in 1942. He obtained a bachelor degree from the medical college at Adamburrah University in 1965. He later obtained a diploma of science from Adamburrah University specialized in the field of pathology. In 1972, he accomplished a medical diploma the School of Tropical Medicines and Science at London University. During the same year he obtained a fellowship from the royal colleague from Liverpool University. Other accomplishments include: Fellowship with Royal College at Liverpool University, 1972; Fellowship from the Royal British College for Internal Medicine, 1974; Fellowship from Canada’s Royal College for Internal Surgery Medicine, 1975; Fellowship with the British College for Pathology, 1976; Fellowship with the Royal College for Internal Medicine in 1990, Associate Professor at San’aa University ,1979; Dean for the Science University, 1983; Dean for Medicine at Sana’a University, 1987-1989, Minister of Education, 1993-1994; Member of the Consultative Council, 1997-2001; Minister for Foreign Affairs, 2001; Reappointed as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Migrants, 2003-2005; Minister of Foreign Affairs, 2007-2011.

Sa’ad El-Dean Bin Talib,

Minister of Trade and Commerce Born in Hadhramout. Served as Head of International Cooperation and Foreign Relations at the High Anti-Corruption Committee. Also served as an MP from 1997-2003.

Dr. Ahmed Qasim Al-Ansi,

Minister of General Health and Population Previously served as General Manager of Al-Thawra Public Hospital in Sana’a.

Dr. Jawhara Hamoud Thabet,

Minister of State for Cabinet Affairs

Previously served as local council in Aden and was also a member of the political office for the Communist Party.

Major General Mohammed Nasser Ahmed Ali,

Minister for Defense Received Bachelor Degree in Military Science Command and Staff, Accomplishments include: Head of Management Affairs for the 20th Infantry Brigade; Appointed Deputy President for the Logistics and Catering Unit at the Ministry of Defense in Southern Yemen (prior to unity) until 1994; Order of Unity – May 22; Decoration of Courage; Decoration of Duty; Decoration of Sincerity; Minister of Defense, 2006; Reappointed Minister of Defense, 2007 Present.

Sakhar Ahmed Abbas Al-Wajeeh,

Minister of Finance Served as a Member of Parliament, resigned from the GPC in 2006. Accomplishments include: Member of the Community for Development and Oil; Member of the National Council; Elected Head of Yemeni MP’s Anti-Corruption Organization. Dr. Rashad Ahmed Al-Rasad, Minister of State for Parliament and Shura’a Affairs Born in Al-Beidah Governorate. Accomplishments include: Minister of Legal Affairs, 2003; Minister for Parliament and Shura’a Affairs, 2006; Minister for Legal Affairs, 2007-2011.

Muamar Mutaher Mohammed Al-Eryani,

Minister of Sport and Youth Born in 1974 and received a Bachelor Degree from Baghdad University in the Faculty of Administration and Commerce Department of Planning and Development. Accomplishments include: Master’s Degree in Political Science from American University in London; Co-Founded, Headed Youth and Student Unit at the GPC, 1996-2006; Founded, Headed the General Union of Yemen Youth; Established Al-Raqeeb Newspaper, 1997; Deputy Head of Asia Youth Council; Deputy Minister of Youth and Sport; President of General Union for Youth.

Dr. Saleh Hassan Sawmai’a,

Minister of Electricity Born in Al-Mahweet, he obtained his first degrees from Faculty of Police in 1975, and from Faculty of Shari’a and Law at Sana’a University in 1980. Accomplishments include: Doctorates in Law Philosophy from Cairo, 1988; Taught at Al-Maithaq Institute, Higher Institute for Judiciary, and Academy of Police; Deputy Minister for Interior for Training and Rehabilitation; Governor of Marib Governorate; Minister of Migrants; Professor of Constitutional Law and Political Systems at Sana’a University; Member of the National Diaglogue Preparatory Committee; Member of Committee for Yemen-Saudi Boundaries.

Hamoud Mohammed Obad,

Minister of Endowments and Guidance Born in Dhammar Governorate in 1960. Obtained a Bachelor Degree in Commerce and Political Science from Sana’a University in 1986. Accomplishments include: Diploma in High Studies in International Politics at Sana’a University, 1998; Diplomay from Faculty of Education at Sana’a University, 1991; Deputy Minister for Youth and Sport, President of Olympiad Committee. Member of the Strategic Committee for Youth for Scout Arab; Minister of Endowment and Guidance, 2003; Reappointed Minister of Endowment and Guidance, 2006; Minister of Youth and Sport, 2007.

Horia Mashoor,

Minister of Human Rights Born in Aden in 1954 and is married with four kids. Obtained her Bachelor Degree from Aden University in Commerce and Management. Accomplishments include: Faculty of Commerce and Political Science at Cairo University, 1974-1976; Worked in Ministry of Education – Rehabilitation Sector; General Manager of NGOs and Foreign Relations at the National Committee for Education, Culture and Science, 1997-1999; Deputy Head of National Committee for Women, 2000; Participated in numerous local and international seminars related to women and social development.

Dr. Yahya Mohammed Al-Shu’aibi,

Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research Born in Lahij Governorate in 1952 and holds a Master’s Degree and Doctorates in Chemistry and Physics from an American university. Accomplishments include: Professor at Sana’a University’s Faculty of Science; Deputy for Student Affairs at Sana’a University; Deputy Assistant Director for Student Affairs at Sana’a University; Minister of Education, 1997; Minister for Higher Education and Scientific Research, 2001; Governor of Aden, 2003; General Secretariat for Sana’a, 2007; Minister of Civil Services until 2010.

Dr. Amat Al-Razaq Ali Hoomad,

Minister of Labor and Social Affairs Born in Taiz and obtained a Doctorate in Philosophy of Education Curriculum and Methodology from Ayen Shamas in 1987 and was first Yemeni woman to achieve this. Studied multiple areas in education, children’s literature, population education, and women development. Accomplishments include: Professor at Sana’a University, 1988; Head of Islamic and Arab Studies at Sana’a University, 1988-1990; Head of Higher Studies and Scientific Research at the Faculty of Education; 1991-1993. Elected General Secretariat for GPC, 2006; Reappointed as Minister for Labor and Social Affairs, 2007.

Eng Omer Abdullah Al-Kurshowmi,

Minister of Public Works and Highways Obtained Bachelor’s Degree in Civil Engineering from Texas University in the United States in 1990 and particiapted in many workshops on road engineering. Accomplishments include: Deputy Minister, 2000; General Authority for Roads and Bridges, 1990; Completed Ga’atab’a – Al-Dha’ala Road, 1990-1991; General Manager for General Authority of Roads and Bridges – Hadhramout Governorate; Minister of Public Works and Highways.

Awa’ad Sa’ad Al-Socatri,

Minister of Fisheries Born in Hadhramout in 1957, holds a Bachelor Degree in Electronic Engineering. Accomplishments include: Deputy General Manger for Electricity Branch in Ashahr, 1989; General Manager of Electricity of Ashahr, 1991; General Manager of Electricity of Costal Hadhramout, 1998; Member of Parliament for GPC; Head of Services Committee for Parliament, 2006; Re-elected Head of Services Committee for Parliament in 2008.

Mohamed Al-Yazidi,

Minister of Local Administration Served as Secretariat Deputy General for Popular Union Nasserite Party.

Nabil Abdo Shamsan,

Minister of Civil Service and Insurance Obtained Bachelor Degree in 1987 from Sana’a University. Accomplishments include: Deputy Minister of Civil Services and Insurance, General Manager of Modernization of Civil Service Project, Head of Strategic Projects for Salaries.

Judge Murshed Al-Arashani,

Minister of Justices Served as a memer of the Higher Judiciary Council and was a member of Higher Court Head of Islah Social Charity Association.

Wa’ad Ba-Theyab,

Minister of Transportation Served as a member of the political office for the Yemeni Communist Party. Holds a Doctorate from Bona University, India. Worked as a Professor at Aden University. He was born in Aden in 1974.

Abdullah Awbal,

Minister of Culture, General Secretariats for the Yemeni Unity Union Party and Professor at Aden University.

Abdul-Hafid Nouman,

Minister of Water and Environment Accomplishments include: Member of National Leadership; Head of Media Office for Secret Central Committee for Arabic Ba’ath Communist Party – Yemen Region.

Dr. Abdul-Razaq Al-Ashwal,

Minister of Education Accomplishments Include: Head of Student Sector at the Islah Reform Party in Sana’a; Professor of Curriculum and Methodology at Sana’a University’ Head of Social Association for Special Development at Sana’a University.

Abdul-Salam Razaz

Minister of Vocational Education, Secretary General of the Union of Popular Forces

CNN: Yemeni Prime Minister Ali Mujawar was back in Sanaa Tuesday for the first time since he was seriously injured in the presidential palace bombing last June, according to sources at the airport in the capital.

Thousands of pro-government supporters welcomed him back.

Mujawar was being treated in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. He’s the first senior official to come back to Sanaa from Riyadh since more than 35 senior officials were taken to the Saudi capital for medical treatment more than two months ago.

Regarding the heightened and unusual effects of the tear gas on the protesters, it says in document that the smoke bombs are expired and cause long term health problems, addressed to the interior minister Rashad Al-Masri.

I wrote about a mass grave in Aden in February and as well as later reports of security forces kidnapping wounded protesters to artificially reduce the number of fatalities.

Hood also spoke of its possession of official documents reveal the crimes committed by official orders and official complicity to conceal, other crimes committed, related to some political backgrounds.
Hood confirmed that it received information and testimonies written and documented about the central security forces and gunmen in civilian clothes attacking the demonstrators with live bullets, sharp weapons and poison gas on Saturday night 04/09/2011 in Zubairy Street and Ring Road, which led to the downfall of a number of dead and wounded. Hood quoted witnesses saying that “Nearly 20 people were pulled to some personnel carriers and government vehicles transferred to an unknown destination and their injuries were at the head, neck, chest, abdomen and some of them had died.” Also, confirmed that it had received “certificates for a mass graves in the area of “ Bait Boss , body parts were found in trash barrels in that area, it is believed it belong to protesters who were arrested during the massacre of Kentucky Round in Sana’a. Attorney General has received a notification of this.”
Below is the doctors’ report on the body parts found in Beit Bous.

Yemeni officials deny press report on distributing weapons
Saturday 07 May 2011 202011000000Sat, 07 May 2011 20:32:12 +0300 08 PM / 26 September Net

Deputy Prime Minister for Defense Affairs Rashad al-Alimi and Minister of State for Parliamentary and Shura Council Affairs Ahmed al-Kuhlani have expressed regret about a forged document spread by Marebpress website that they were involved in distributing weapons to pro-government people.

In a joint press release, al-Alimi and al-Kuhlani said that the Ministry of Interior had denied the validity of the document.

They considered the dissemination of this forged document targets them due to their strict positions in the Cabinet and Parliament towards a draft of law that prevents carrying and possessing weapons, which they said some parties rejected.

“We are against carrying weapons”, they confirmed.

Al-Alimi and al-Kuhlani said that they have the right to file a law suit against Marebpress for harming them by publishing that false document.

Earlier, the Interior Ministry has denied the existence of a memorandum from the Interior Minister to the Special Guards commander asking him to form a committee to distribute weapons to some people under the leadership of al-Alimi and al-Kuhlani.saba

News Yemen: Former minister of endowment Hamoud al-Hittar, who also headed a committee for dialogue with militants in Yemen for years, said President Saleh is not committed to fighting al-Qaeda in the country.

Al-Hittar said that President Saleh uses al-Qaeda threat to blackmail Arab and foreign countries to get more assistance. He said that al-Qaeda in Yemen is only 10 percent of what was reported by official media.

In his speech to almost one million anti-regime protesters in Change Square outside Sana’a University on “Friday of Steadiness”, al-Hittar assured Arab and foreign countries that Yemen will be able to put end to terrorism after the popular revolution succeeds and President Saleh stands down. He also said that Yemen will remain an active partner of the international community in counterterrorism in accordance with Yemen’s constitution, law and international legislation.

Al-Hittar urged Gulf countries to support the popular revolution and could confirm that Yemen will respect relationships with Gulf countries.

A clear overview of the whole picture from: Walid al Saqqaf.

Update: al Qirby denies the Reuters report, saying it was an inaccurate quote. The blame game now settles on the GPC That’s why Saleh reversed his decision not to run in 2006, the GPC begged him to be their candidate as there was no one else in the entire party with the capacity to run Yemen. Imagine how much better off Yemen would be now if Saleh had kept his word, but I guess you cant think like that, Saleh never keeps his word. I really hope he doesn’t set fire to Yemen on the way out. The longer this takes, the more nervous its making me.

SANAA (Reuters) – A deal on a peaceful transition of power in Yemen could come as early as Saturday and would be based on an offer by President Ali Abdullah Saleh to step down by year-end, Foreign Minister Abubakr al-Qirbi said…”I hope it will be today, before tomorrow,” Qirbi, who is serving as caretaker foreign minister, told Reuters in an interview, adding that the time frame of a transfer of power by Saleh could be negotiated.

Saleh, who oversaw the 1990 unification of north and south Yemen and emerged victorious from a civil war four years later, told tribes in Sanaa on Saturday that he would “work to avoid bloodshed using all possible means.”

He said on Friday he was ready to relinquish power to forestall more bloodshed but only to what he called “safe hands” after weeks of street demonstrations demanding his departure.

“President Saleh is willing to look at all possibilities, as long as there are really serious commitments by the JMP (opposition) to come and initiate a serious dialogue between them and the ruling party,” Qirbi said.

Talks have been under way on two tracks to hash out the details of a deal on a peaceful transition of power in the Arabian Peninsula state that is home to a resurgent arm of al Qaeda, Yemeni political sources have said.

Qirbi said Yemen’s main opposition party would be holding talks with the ruling party on Saturday. Discussions were centring on the time frame of a transition, among other issues.

“I think the time period is something that can be negotiated. It shouldn’t be really an obstacle to reach an agreement,” he said…

Yemeni political sources said talks to resolve the crisis have been taking place with help from Western mediators. They included a meeting between the president and Mohsen in which they discussed the future of both men.

A source close to Mohsen, who has thrown his weight behind protesters, said he and Saleh had weighed a deal in which both would leave the country, taking their sons and relatives with them to pave the way for a civilian transitional government.